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The Gathering Storm by Winston Churchill, First Edition - AbeBooks
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Russian Roulette. Michael Isikoff. Arthur Herman PhD. A Higher Loyalty. James Comey. Harry Turtledove. Seven Days. The Saboteur. Paul Kix. Over the Top. Spencer Jones. Winston Churchill. The Poles, who had suffered under Russian misrule for more than a century and whose independence had been won at Russian expense, would be unlikely, understandably, to want Soviet troops on Polish soil. That left only Rumania, where King Carol, facing a challenge from a strong local fascist movement, was not going to risk alienating it by co-operating with Communist Russia.
Thirdly, the Foreign Office analysis also ruled out help from France. Ever since Britain had refused to back the French in a hard-line anti-German policy in , the French had relied upon a defensive strategy against Berlin; they were not going to change in the late s at Churchill's behest. The reasons why Britain was not going to challenge Germany by herself were so numerous that they went on for pages of Foreign Office analysis.
Disillusioned by the experience and results of the Great War, British public opinion opposed the idea of another war. Rearmament was a far more problematic concept than Churchill allowed. As a global power, Britain already had to defend its interests in the Far and Middle East against Japan and Italy respectively; but to rearm against Germany as well would bankrupt the country - which would hardly deter Hitler.
In addition to these arguments, rearmament was controversial politically; the Labour party opposed too much of it, and the trades unions wanted guarantees about employment for their members before they would agree to it. Then, of course, it took time to build factories, and even more time to find skilled labour. In Britain had faced the biggest financial crisis in its history, but by the late s, thanks to Chamberlain's time as Chancellor, the economy was recovering, and to mount a massive rearmament programme would have placed that achievement in jeopardy.
In the face of these facts, the government had to proceed slowly. It is also worth noting that Chamberlain could hardly have been that bad a choice as prime minister, or Churchill would hardly have seconded his nomination - a fact he somehow omitted from his memoirs. As a literary artist, however, when writing his memoirs, Churchill knew that when truth was stranger than fiction, you should always opt for the latter. Castro, Ghaddafi, Saddam and Bin Laden, all cut from the same cloth, all of whom must be 'stopped' because 'appeasement' is always wrong.
How do we know that? Churchill told us so. Churchill's line in The Gathering Storm has carried conviction for two reasons: after no-one wanted to be associated with appeasement because it had failed; after everyone wanted to have been prescient about the virtues of 'The Grand Alliance'.
And the very march of events after seemed, in Churchill's own eyes, to point up the morality of his stand in the s. The West began to oppose Stalin and Communism in a way that it had never opposed Hitler - it was seen to be standing up to the bully, not to be negotiating with him - and Churchill's general view seemed to be vindicated, at least in his own eyes.
The Second World War: The Gathering Storm (volume 1)
From onwards, few cared to question whether this Churchillian refusal to negotiate with Stalin, or any other dictator, actually makes things worse - that would have sounded as though excuses were being made for misrule. And so we have come to our current Rogue's Gallery: Hitler, Stalin, Nasser, Castro, Ghaddafi, Saddam and Bin Laden, all cut from the same cloth, all of whom must be 'stopped' because 'appeasement' is always wrong.
The fact that a film has now been made, bringing Churchill's version of events to a new generation, means that people will be able to say that they may not have read the book, but have at least seen the film. Thus will the myth go on into the new century and its millennium. Churchill was certainly right about one thing - history would indeed treat him kindly. In place of the multi-faceted, complicated flawed genius, there would be a cardboard cut-out hero who was always right. Likely better than most, he well understood the often senseless and bloody chaos and vagaries inherent to the human condition.
The "Moral" testifies to both Churchill's own statecraft and to the failures of statecraft that precipitated the Second World War and would unfortunately persist in its wake. The words also trace a vital arch underpinning Churchill's political thought and character and spanning his public life. The guiding sentiments encapsulated by the "Moral" allowed Churchill, for all his reputed pugnacity, to achieve farsighted perspective and bridge material, empathetic, and intellectual differences throughout his long life.
As early as , Churchill expressed his thought in similar terms, "As we have triumphed, so we may be merciful; as we are strong, so we can afford to be generous" 21 March speech in the House of Commons. Churchill "had seen the danger of another war with Germany even before the first had entered its final phase. On 23 November , only a year after Armistice Day and certainly long before the bitter sentiment of the victors had faded, Churchill wrote in the Illustrated Sunday Herald, "The reconstruction of the economic life of Germany is essential to our own peace and prosperity.
We do not want a land of broken, scheming, disbanded armies, putting their hands to the sword because they cannot find the spade or the hammer. Fourteen years later a defeated and desperate Germany would elect Adolph Hitler. Churchill's moral and pragmatic consistency as a statesman did not waver. In September , in the wake of the war in which he was perhaps Germany's most implacable foe, Churchill would tell assembled European leaders: "The first step in the re-creation of the European family must be a partnership between France and Germany There can be no revival of Europe without Churchill wrote history both figuratively and literally.
And on no page of history did Churchill make a more indelible mark than that of the Second World War. As with so much of what Churchill wrote, The Second World War is not "history" in the strictly academic, objectivist sense, but rather Churchill's perspective on history.
In his March introduction to the first volume, Churchill himself made the disclaimer, "I do not describe it as history I was for more than five years in this second struggle with Germany the Head of His Majesty's government. I write, therefore, from a different standpoint and with more authority than was possible in my earlier books.
Nonetheless, Churchill's work remains seminal, iconic, and a vital part of the historical record. Richard Langworth calls the six-volume epic "indispensable reading for anyone who seeks a true understanding of the war that made us what we are today. It is often said that the U. The sixth and final U. The U. The colorful dust jackets are all printed in the same style, with a colored dust jacket and contrasting color spine title panel.
- A window on history.
- 501 Italian Verbs (Vocabulary Builder Book 4);
- Arab League Boycott of Israel.
- From Historys Shadow (Star Trek: The Original Series).
Although the style is consistent, the jacket and title panel colors vary considerably with each volume. All six U. Two problems plague collectors seeking the U. First is the usual collector's conundrum - that they are scarce in collectible condition. In our experience collector-worthy U. The second problem is the fact that the U. The consequence is that many BOMC editions are passed - sometimes by accident, sometimes not - as first editions.
- The Gathering Storm by Winston S. Churchill;
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- Wild East (Butterscotch Jones Mysteries Book 7);
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There is a multitude of small variations in particulars given the large print run. A Canadian issue followed, offprinted from the U.